jueves, 24 de junio de 2010

Evolución del sueño


La evolución del sueño es uno de los grandes misterios de las neurociencias. Durante muchos años se creyó que el sueño era un proceso pasivo en el cual el cerebro dejaba de recibir y procesar información. Pero los descubrimientos sucesivos, entre los cuales destaca el del REM por Aserinsky y Kleitman en 1953 [1] demostraron que el sueño es un proceso activo. Ante este convencimiento, una pregunta inmediata fue la de por qué la selección natural había favorecido la aparición de un estado aparentemente indefenso y que resta tiempo a otras actividades necesarias para la vida. Buscando una respuesta, pronto se iniciaron algunos estudios en animales no mamíferos. En general, los resultados fueron escasos y muchas veces contradictorios. No obstante, se propusieron algunas hipótesis que en todo caso se limitaban a suponer la antigüedad relativa de una u otra de las dos fases.
La situación se ha mantenido sin grandes cambios hasta este año en el que un grupo de investigadores españoles [2] ha propuesto un conjunto de procesos evolutivos que explican la mayor parte de las características del sueño de los mamíferos. No sólo describen el origen del NREM y del REM, sino que también dan las razones por las que los dos estados se suceden en cada episodio de sueño. Brevemente, proponen que el estado activo de los reptiles es una forma de vigilia subcortical, sin ninguna homología con la vigilia cortical de los mamíferos. Cuando estos últimos desarrollaron la corteza, la vieja y menos eficaz vigilia subcortical fue suprimida quedando convertida en sueño. Pero en este sueño siguieron manifestándose signos de la antigua vigilia de los reptiles: el comportamiento heliotérmico (‘basking’), necesario en un reptil para alcanzar una temperatura corporal óptima, se convirtió en NREM, mientras que la actividad, con momentos activos y pasivos, se convirtió en REM, conservando también fases activas y pasivas. Por último, el estado inactivo de los reptiles, se mantuvo en algunos mamíferos en forma de hibernación. Aunque el desarrollo de estas transformaciones parece implicar unas modificaciones muy profundas en el funcionamiento del cerebro, el número y la entidad de los cambios resultan ser sorprendentemente pequeños.
Por otra parte, el itinerario evolutivo propuesto también propone una explicación para el mayor de los misterios del sueño. Parece como si la evolución no se hubiera preocupado mucho por el sueño; lo importante es la vigilia. Así, la gran pregunta de ¿por qué dormimos? debe convertirse en ¿por qué nuestro sueño es tan complejo? La respuesta está en que el sueño es un cajón de residuos evolutivos que se ha ido llenando a medida que se desarrollaban vigilias más eficaces.
[1] Aserinsky E, Kleitman N. Regular occurring periods of eye motility and concomitant phenomena during sleep. Science, (1953), 118:273
[2] Rial R.V, Akaârir M, Gamundí A, Nicolau C, Garau C et al. Evolution of wakefulness, sleep and hibernation: From reptiles to mammals. Neurosci. Biobehav. Rev. (2010), doi:10.1016/j.neubiorev.2010.01.008. Autor de correspondencia R. Rial: rvrial@uib.es
[ Neurosci. Biobehav. Rev. (2010), doi:10.1016/j.neubiorev.2010.01.008]
Rial R.V, Akaârir M, Gamundí A, Nicolau C, Garau C et al

En el hombre y los primates una nueva área del cerebro evolucionó para permitir los movimientos complejos


Una nueva área del córtex cerebral evolucionó de manera diferente en el hombre y los primates superiores para que estos obtuvieran la capacidad de recoger objetos pequeños y utilizar herramientas, según un estudio realizado por científicos de la Universidad de Pittsburgh. En la mayoría de los animales, incluyendo gatos, ratas y monos, la corteza motora controla indirectamente el movimiento a través de circuitos de la médula espinal, pero en el hombre, en grandes simios y en algunos monos, se ha desarrollado un conjunto especial de células cortico-motoneuronales (CM) en otras áreas de la corteza motora. Estas células controlan directamente las neuronas motoras de la médula espinal, responsables de causar la contracción del hombro, codo y músculos de los dedos de la mano. El control directo ejercido por las células CM ignora las limitaciones impuestas por los circuitos de la médula espinal y permite el desarrollo de modelos movimiento de gran complejidad, como la acción independiente de los dedos para tocar un instrumento o escribir.
[Proc Natl Acad Sci 2009]
Rathelot J-A y Strick PL

Lost? Evidence That Sense of Direction Is Innate


Two new studies show how spatial parts of the brain are already functioning in infancy, revealing that not everything we understand about our surroundings is learned

By Katherine Harmon   
 
rat finds route through cheese babies can navigate surroundings

Not everyone has a perfect sense of direction, whether they would like to admit it or not. But two new studies have found that even baby rats have a basic spatial framework in their brains ready to use as soon as they leave the nest for the first time—which is much earlier than had previously been documented.

The findings reveal that not all sense of space is learned. They show that at least some of that sense is innate, "that the basic constituents of the cognitive map develop independently of spatial experience or might even precede it," noted the authors of one of the new studies, both published online June 17 in Science.

For the two independent studies researchers record rats' neuronal firings as soon as newborn pups opened their eyes and began to explore their surroundings. Both teams were surprised to find adult-level cell function in some of the directional regions.

At this age, "the animals would not yet have had a chance to explore the environment beyond their nest," Francesca Cacucci, a researcher at the Institute of Behavioral Neuroscience at University College London and co-author of one of the papers, writes in an e-mail. "This suggests strongly that sense of direction is independent of spatial experience."

And because the mammalian hippocampus is relatively consistent in its make-up across species, these lab rat–based findings likely mirror a similar developmental trajectory in humans.

Other abilities, such as face perception or language use, are thought to be innate. But "space is such a basic cognitive function, and to have it be partly innate is really interesting and groundbreaking work," says Linda Palmer, a project scientist at the Department of Anatomy and Neurobiology at the University of California, Irvine, who coauthored a perspectives essay accompanying the two studies in Science.

Three-celled mapping

To navigate a space, mammals seem to need only three basic types of cells, and the new finding suggests that they are ready to fire up in the brain at a very early age.

These cells reside in the hippocampus and record direction (where the head is pointing), place (location in an environment), and grid (distance covered while moving).

In both studies researchers implanted electrodes in the brains of the rat pups about 14 days after birth. Before that age rat pups remain, eyes sealed shut, in the nest. As soon as their eyes open, however, the young pups begin to explore their environment.

"As soon as the baby rat is able to leave the nest it has the basic foundations of a neural map of the environment ready to use," Rosamund Langston, a lecturer in behavioral neuroscience at the Ninewells Hospital and Medical School in Scotland and lead author on the second study, notes in an e-mail.

The most developed cells were the head-direction cells, which "are there, fully fledged," as soon as the mouse opens its eyes and begins to explore, Palmer says.

Although these directional cells are functioning at near-adult levels early, there is a period of refinement over the next two weeks in which the place and grid cells develop more fully, suggesting that some spatial experience and learning might be involved. Place cells were first recorded at 16 days after birth in both experiments, but there was some discrepancy as to the grid cell emergence: Langston and her colleagues at the Kavli Institute for Systems Neuroscience at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology recorded early grid cells at day 16, whereas Cacucci and her group documented more mature ones at day 20.

That grid cells—presumed to record the distance an animal has traveled—developed after place cells was "unexpected," Cacucci noted. Both anatomically and computationally the reverse order would have seemed more likely because distance would help inform place cells, she said.

Global orientation
The new research explains the neuronal development of young rats as they explore their basic surroundings, but this process might seem much different than, say, birds navigating across continents or humans driving in an unfamiliar city.

Palmer explains that our larger sense of location and orientation (how a room fits into a building, which fits into a block, which fits into a city, etcetera) might simply be an extension of this basic, hippocampal cell–based understanding of our surroundings. As our known environment becomes more expansive, we assemble that into a larger representation, she speculates.

So why is it that some people always have to ask for directions (or refuse to even if they are lost)? This variability has not yet been pinned down at the neuronic level. In the rats there did not seem to be notable differences in the rate or onset of cell firing. "They have different characters or 'personalities' but all have these same neuronal signals," Langston noted, adding, however, that lab rats are bred to be as similar as possible for the sake of experiment replication.

Also, the researchers only observed the rats exploring a neutral enclosure and did not test the rats by pushing their individual navigational abilities to make a comparison between neuronal functioning and development. "We do not know whether having the neuronal correlates of space is a reflection of how well you can actually find your way around," Langston explained.
Although neither group set out to test specifically for sex differences in spatial representations, Langston pointed out that they found all of the rats to be consistent. That in itself, Langston noted, was "an interesting finding that came from our results considering the debate about the navigational skills of men versus women!"

The two studies also did not uncover how the rats make use of their cognitive maps. Langston is starting work that will study how early life experience shapes map development and how they use these representations in the future.

Representing the world
The distinction between a partially innate model of spatial representation and fully learned model might seem minute or trifling—especially with the bourgeoning selection of navigational gadgetry at our fingertips that can not only pinpoint our home on a city plan but also point us in the right direction to find our car in a parking lot. But Palmer, whose background is in Kantian philosophy, finds the results quite relevant and "very encouraging."

"On the philosophical side, it's really fascinating to think about the question of how we represent the world," she says. And the difference between experientially developed and (at least partially) biologically innate means that in philosophical terms some of our understanding of the world is absolute, rather than relative, such as notions of left and right, near and far. "The thing about space is it's cognitive—it's a representation of the world, and to have something like that be innate is really interesting," she notes.

Similar studies are not possible in humans, unless they are being treated for rare brain disorders, due to the invasive nature of the procedure. Researchers can, however, use fMRI (functional magnetic resonance imaging) to look for more general neuronal activity in the brain as space is represented and correlate that to readings from individually recorded cells in rodents.

But the patterns of neuronal development in rats are likely to be similar to that of humans—if on a different timescale—Cacucci noted. The ability to use a single visual landmark for spatial orientation occurs in rats about 15 days after birth and at about six months in humans. Being able to construct a maplike concept of a space, however, does not occur until about 21 days after birth in rats—and nine months in babies—both ages around the time of weaning, she pointed out.

If these senses of space and orientation are even more hardwired that had previously been thought, it begs the question: "Where does it come from?" Palmer notes. "We would assume that the brain is shaped by evolution, so that means it must be good enough for reproductive success…but does that mean it's accurate?"

miércoles, 23 de junio de 2010

Chimps, Too, Wage War and Annex Rival Territory

 
John Mitani
AGGRESSION A young male chimp in Uganda’s Kibale National Park leaps on the body of a victim killed in an attack.
 
Every day, John Mitani or a colleague is up at sunrise to check on the action among the chimpanzees at Ngogo, in Uganda’s Kibale National Park. Most days the male chimps behave a lot like frat boys, making a lot of noise or beating each other up. But once every 10 to 14 days, they do something more adult and cooperative: they wage war.A band of males, up to 20 or so, will assemble in single file and move to the edge of their territory. They fall into unusual silence as they penetrate deep into the area controlled by the neighboring group. They tensely scan the treetops and startle at every noise. “It’s quite clear that they are looking for individuals of the other community,” Dr. Mitani says.
When the enemy is encountered, the patrol’s reaction depends on its assessment of the opposing force. If they seem to be outnumbered, members of the patrol will break file and bolt back to home territory. But if a single chimp has wandered into their path, they will attack. Enemy males will be held down, then bitten and battered to death. Females are usually let go, but their babies will be eaten.
These killings have a purpose, but one that did not emerge until after Ngogo chimps’ patrols had been tracked and cataloged for 10 years. The Ngogo group has about 150 chimps and is particularly large, about three times the usual size. And its size makes it unusually aggressive. Its males directed most of their patrols against a chimp group that lived in a region to the northeast of their territory. Last year, the Ngogo chimps stopped patrolling the region and annexed it outright, increasing their home territory by 22 percent, Dr. Mitani said in a report being published Tuesday in Current Biology with his colleagues David P. Watts of Yale University and Sylvia J. Amsler of the University of Arkansas at Little Rock. Dr. Mitani is at the University of Michigan.
The objective of the 10-year campaign was clearly to capture territory, the researchers concluded. The Ngogo males could control more fruit trees, their females would have more to eat and so would reproduce faster, and the group would grow larger, stronger and more likely to survive. The chimps’ waging of war is thus “adaptive,” Dr. Mitani and his colleagues concluded, meaning that natural selection has wired the behavior into the chimps’ neural circuitry because it promotes their survival.
Chimpanzee warfare is of particular interest because of the possibility that both humans and chimps inherited an instinct for aggressive territoriality from their joint ancestor who lived some five million years ago. Only two previous cases of chimp warfare have been recorded, neither as clear-cut as the Ngogo case.
In one, a chimp community first observed by Jane Goodall in Tanzania’s Gombe National Park split into two and one group then wiped out the other. But the chimps had been fed bananas, to enable them to be observed, and some primatologists blamed the war on this human intervention. In a second case, in the Mahale Mountains National Park of Tanzania, Toshisada Nishida of Kyoto University noticed that a chimp group had disappeared, presumably killed by its neighbors, but he was not able to witness the killings or find the bodies.
Dr. Mitani’s team has now put a full picture together by following chimps on their patrols, witnessing 18 fatal attacks over 10 years and establishing that the warfare led to annexation of a neighbor’s territory.
The benefits of chimp warfare are clear enough, at least from the perspective of human observers. Through decades of careful work, primatologists have documented the links in a long causal chain, proving for instance that females with access to more fruit trees will bear children faster.
But can the chimps themselves foresee the outcome of their behavior? Do they calculate that if they pick off their neighbors one by one, they will eventually be able to annex their territory, which will raise their females’ fertility and the power of their group? “I find that a difficult argument to sustain because the logical chain seems too deep,” says Richard Wrangham, a chimp expert at Harvard.
A simpler explanation is that the chimps are just innately aggressive toward their neighbors, and that natural selection has shaped them this way because of the survival advantage that will accrue to the winner.
Warfare among human groups that still live by hunting and gathering resembles chimp warfare in several ways. Foragers emphasize raids and ambushes in which few people are killed, yet casualties can mount up with incessant skirmishes. Dr. Wrangham argues that chimps and humans have both inherited a propensity for aggressive territoriality from a chimplike ancestor. Others argue the chimps’ peaceful cousin, the bonobo, is just as plausible a model for the joint ancestor.
Dr. Wrangham’s view is that since gorillas and chimps are so similar, their joint ancestor, which lived some seven million years ago, would have been chimplike and therefore so would the joint ancestor of chimps and humans when they parted ways two million years later. “So I think it’s very reasonable to think this behavior goes back a long way,” he said, referring to the propensity to wage war against one’s own species.
Dr. Mitani, however, is reluctant to infer any genetic link between human and chimp warfare, despite the similarity of purpose, cost and tactics. “It’s just not at all clear to me that these lethal raids are similar sorts of phenomena,” he said. More interesting than warfare, in his view, is the cooperative behavior that makes war possible.
Why do chimps incur the risk and time costs of patrolling into enemy territory when the advantage accrues most evidently to the group? Dr. Mitani invokes the idea of group-level selection — the idea that natural selection can work on groups and favor behaviors, like altruism and cooperation, that benefit the group at the expense of the individual. Selection usually depends only on whether an individual, not a group, leaves more surviving children.
Many biologists are skeptical of group-level selection, saying it could be effective only in cases where there is intense warfare between groups, a reduced rate of selection on individuals, and little interchange of genes between groups. Chimp warfare may be constant and ferocious, fulfilling the first condition, but young females emigrate to neighboring groups to avoid inbreeding. This constant flow of genes would severely weaken any group selective process, Dr. Wrangham said.
Samuel Bowles, an economist at the Santa Fe Institute who has worked out theoretical models of group selection, said the case for it “is pretty strong for humans” but remains an open question in chimpanzees.
Chimp watching is an arduous task since researchers must first get the chimpanzees used to their presence, but without inducements like bananas, which could interfere with their natural behavior. Chimpanzees are immensely powerful, and since they can tear each other apart, they could also make short work of any researcher who incurred their animosity.
“Luckily for us, they haven’t figured out that they are stronger than us,” Dr. Mitani said, explaining that there was no danger in tagging along behind a file of chimps on the warpath. “What’s curious is that after we do gain their trust, we sort of blend into the background and they pretty much ignore us.”

martes, 22 de junio de 2010

El abuelo de Lucy caminaba

Hace 3,6 millones de años
Caminar erguido fue previo a Lucy y los suyos
La región de Afar, en Etiopía, sigue siendo una mina para conocer el origen más remoto de la humanidad. Allí se descubrió a Lucy, un Australopithecus afarensis de 3,2 millones de años de antigüedad. Ahora le ha tocado el turno a “su abuelo”: se ha hallado parte del esqueleto de un individuo de la misma especie, sólo que es 400.000 años mayor.
Sus descubridores, un equipo liderado por Yohannes Haile-Selassie, del Museo de Historia Natural de Cleveland (EE.UU.) le han llamado Kadanuumuu (“gran hombre” en el lenguaje Afar) y aseguran que este homínido ya era capaz de caminar erguido. El hallazgo es de gran importancia, explican en la revista PNAS, ya que el bipedismo es un rasgo característico para los seres humanos y sus parientes extintos, y por ello se va más atrás en el tiempo de lo que se asumía.
En realidad, el primer hueso de Kadanuumuu fue descubierto en 2005, a unos 50 kilómetros al norte de donde se encontró a Lucy. Desde entonces, han ido apareciendo más de 30 huesos adicionales que han permitido hacer la reconstrucción actual.
Aquí vemos el esqueleto de Kadanuumuu, sobre el que se ha hecho el estudio.

lunes, 21 de junio de 2010

Orang-utan language identified


By John Sellers

Borneo's orang-utans
'Play' gestures involved a range of clowning antics, including back rolls, placing objects on the head, and blowing raspberries

Orang-utans communicate intelligently using gestures, researchers have found.
British scientists who spent nine months observing the great apes in three European zoos identified 40 frequently used body language signals. These were employed repeatedly to send messages such as "I want to play", "give it to me", "go away", "follow me", or "stop doing that".
"Play" gestures involved a range of clowning antics, including back rolls, placing objects on the head, and blowing raspberries.
"Nudge and shoo" movements meant an ape wanted to be left alone, while a hand to mouth "begging" gesture requested food.
Other gestures included hitting the ground, hair pulling, biting the air and grabbing.
This was the first study of great ape body language to focus on the intentional meanings of specific gestures. Two scientists from the University of St Andrews observed 28 orang-utans at Twycross Zoo in the UK, Apenheul Primate Park in the Netherlands, and the Durrell trust in Jersey. Their study is reported in the journal Animal Cognition.

PAUTAS DE CONDUCTA HUMANA TAN FIABLES COMO LEYES DE LA FISICA

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Psicología
Lunes, 21 de Junio de 2010 08:25
En un nuevo estudio, unos científicos del Hospital General de Massachusetts describen el hallazgo de patrones matemáticos subyacentes en el modo en que los individuos asignan inconscientemente sus preferencias sobre acercarse o alejarse de cada clase de objeto en su entorno. Estos patrones parecen cumplir los estrictos criterios usados para determinar si algo es una ley científica, y, si en estudios futuros se confirma que los cumplen, quizá podrían ser usados para ayudar al diagnóstico y tratamiento de trastornos psiquiátricos.
Los procesos que se guían por leyes científicas comprobables son importantes en la ciencia por la capacidad que brindan de predecir fenómenos. En la física, hay muchas de estas leyes. Pero es raro encontrarlas en la conducta humana.

Los patrones observados por el equipo del Dr. Hans Breiter parecen describir con notable fiabilidad el conjunto de preferencias inconscientes que tiene un individuo.

En el estudio se llevaron a cabo tres series de experimentos. En todos, se mostró a los participantes, que gozaban de buena salud, una serie de imágenes. Presionando las teclas de un teclado, los participantes podían variar la cantidad de tiempo que dedicaban a contemplar cada imagen.

El primer grupo vio una serie de cuatro rostros humanos: el de un hombre de aspecto corriente, el de una mujer de aspecto corriente, el de un hombre atractivo y el de una mujer atractiva.

Al segundo grupo se le mostró una serie de fotografías cuyo contenido era muy variado, incluyendo niños, comida, deportes, instrumentos musicales, guerra, catástrofes, y utensilios relacionados con la drogadicción.

El tercer grupo vio, en dos días distintos, cuatro imágenes diferentes de comida: dos con alimentos de apariencia normal, una donde la comida tenía una coloración extraña, y una de alimentos crudos y sin preparar. Los participantes estaban hambrientos en uno de los días, mientras que en el otro acababan de comer.

La respuesta de los participantes ante las imágenes se midió determinando si ellos incrementaban, reducían o no cambiaban la cantidad de tiempo dedicada a observar imágenes particulares.

Se apreció la existencia de patrones que incorporan aspectos de tres teorías existentes:

- Evitar resultados negativos motiva más fuertemente a las personas que lograr resultados positivos.

- Los índices de respuesta a distintos estímulos son proporcionales a la cantidad de recompensa atribuida a cada estímulo.

- El valor que se le da a algo depende de si es percibido o no como escaso, aunque sea de manera subjetiva. Por ejemplo, las personas con hambre dan un mayor valor a la comida que las que acaban de comer, algo que resulta fácil de pronosticar.
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domingo, 20 de junio de 2010